THE MAHADEV KOLIS: A SHORT APPRAISAL OF THEIR IDENTITY AND CHANCES OF DIGNIFIED SURVIVAL

THE MAHADEV KOLIS: A SHORT APPRAISAL OF THEIR IDENTITY AND CHANCES OF DIGNIFIED SURVIVAL 

S. Swayam 

Introduction: 

Mahadev Kolis, a section of the larger community of 'Kolis', according to Ghurye, the largest and the most well known of the non-Brahmanic and non-dominant ethnic groups in Deccan". (1957: 1). The colonial Gazetteers of Bombay and Hyderabad Presidency bears several references to Mahadev Kolis along with other segments of Koli population. S. S. Ui-Hassan in 1920 indicates the presence of the Mahadev Kolis in Hyderabad State, but Ghurye in 1957 reports that despite his sincere effort, he could not find any Mahadev Kolis group there. Interestingly, captain Macintosh felt that the "Kolis" from the Mahadev Hills (North-west of Berar or modern Vidharbha, which was a part of the Hyderabad State) precipitated into Poona, Ahmednagar and Nasik districts of Maharashtra and therefore known as Mahadev Kolis. 

Macintosh's preposition may explain the nomenclature of the ethnic identity of these people, however it perpetuates the skepticism of the historic validity of the migration as the date of the migration is not known and there is no conceivable reason for such a migration. Ghurye made an earnest attempt to solve the ambiguities of Macintosh's hypothesis. His efforts went grossly unheralded, as in most of the documents the subcategory of the ethnic name was ignored. Therefore, it was difficult to separate the Mahadev Koli faction from other Koli groups from the record. As the records proved insufficient to solve the riddle of migration, a fresh effort to record them seems to be the only viable option. Ghurye returned empty handed from the field, without being able to identify the Mahadev Kolis from other factions as after independence most of the Malhar Kolis (an equally numerous group) claimed the status of Mahadev Kolis in the records to get the special benefit of the scheduled tribe. This particular experience of Ghurye gets confirmation as the Surgana area Mahadev Kolis admit that most of them were originally Malhar Kolis. As their identities are now accepted, they feel less threatened to palpitate an old secret. 

The distribution of the present Mahadev Kolis population concentrates in the north of Pune and that of the Malhar Kolis to its south. Nonetheless, where two communities lived side by side, Mahadev Kolis assumed a superior position of farmer whereas Malhar Kolis figured mainly as village servants (Ghurye 1957). Considering the fact of post independence conversion of Malhar Kolis to Mahadev Kolis and Ghurey's report of the co-existence of these two communities side by side, there arises a possibility that the present Surgana taluka Mahadev Kolis may be a mixed community of both Mahadev and Malhar Kolis. In Maharashtra 'Kolis' in general means fisherman, but it is the Son Kolis who are exclusively fishermen. No scholar so far has found any link between Son Kolis and Mahadev Kolis. Rather Mahadev Kolis and Malhar Kolis existed side by side and must have shared some historic conditions to a certain degree. Hence the conversion of Mahadev Kolis to Malhar Kolis does not put any hindrance to the basic concern of this paper. 

Ghurye traces the historicity of Mahadev Kolis back to the period of Ramayana by linking Mahadev Kolis of the tradition of Valmiki, the author of the epic Ramayana. This assumption primarily shoots out of the character of antisocial and tainted militancy among Mahadev Kolis. There is a lot to contend about this assumption, as this it is rooted within a questionable premise. The premise is defined through a particular historical process, which has feigned the ethnic identity of this particular group with a variable magnitude at different times. Here is an attempt to encompass the historical milieu of Mahadev Kolis to indicate the cultural significance of historical facts. 

Social and Political Integration Mahadev Kolis in 18th Century: 

Peshwa Balajirao Bajirao in 1741-1742 A. D. took the possession of the fort of Kurag that was under Kolis. After a decade, (1750-1751 A.D.) he annexed fourteen Mahalas-areas under the possession of Mahadev Kolis. Thus, all the Mahadev Koli forts in Prant Surgana fell to Peshwas. A Bahamani record dated to the middle of the 14th century gives a convincing proof of the existence of fifty-two Koli chiels with their Sarnallk (head chief), stationed at Junner. "The reference to Jawar are particularly intersting because they mention Ranis of Jawar as their rulers or managers of dominions, and also because of the peculiarity of the personal names of Jawar rulers. The first mention in the year 1760-1761 A.D. refers to a dispute between the male would be heir to the throne. The male is named Krishnasa, which is a corruption of Krishna Saha, the latter part being the title conferred on the rulers by Muhammad Tuglak. The Peshwa Balajirao handed over the management of the Jawar state to the female heir Mohan Kunwar (mark the Rajputization of the personal name here) and decreed that after her death it would pass over to the son of Krishnasa. The last reference dated 1784-1785 A.D. is in the Diary of Savai Madhavrao and refers to the instigation of the Koli disturbances by Abai, the Rani of Jawar. The Peshwa seems to have brought her over to his side by providing sumptuously for her upkeep, that the Kolis were well integrated into the political society of Maharashtra and the main bulk of the community looked up to the Peshwas as the nateral leaders is reflected in the routine occasion of Koli life even today" (Ghurye 1975).

In the backdrop of this political scenario, let us now move to the oral traditions of Mahadev Kolis. Mahadev Koli sources claim their descent from the first Sanskrit poet Valmiki, who wrote the famous epic Ramayana. It is not difficult to guess the source of such a popular belief, as one finds corroboratory depictions in the historical records. Some of the eighteenth century commentators on the Puranic texts identify Kolis with Nishadas, a forest living community often mentioned in the Puranic sources. One even today notices a strong sentimental attachment of the Kolis and others inhabiting the high peaks of the Sahyadri to the places, which according to them are attached to Rama, or other popular characters of epic Ramayana. Anthropological literature often uses such oral traditions to trace their linkage with the greater tradition as corroborative to the ancient texts to prove primitiveness of a particular community. What strikes to me here is rather the other way round. In the emphasis on the complementarities, the inherent negation of the forest and the plain remains covert. Let us read this historical text from the perspective of the 'other'. 

The subjugation of the Koli chiefs by Peshwas, according to Ghurye stands as the testimony to the appropriation and correction of aberrant activities of Kolis in the interest of peace (Ghurye 1957). Sontheimer, a German scholar who has worked his lifetime on the tribal cuits in Maharashtra, explains the duality of such overt assumption of complementarities in terms of 'Vana' and Kshetra'. Kshetra includes the region where agrarian population lived in permanent settlements. This represents the dominant tradition. Vana, stands as a negation to the Kshetra where the primeval forest still supports communities who support their lives through hunting and gathering. As a historical process, the Kshetra spread into Vana for obvious reasons. More the Kshetra spread into the Vana more tribal cults were integrated though in an exceedingly slow but steady process over centuries. They were reinterpreted in terms of the cults and rituals of the Kshetra (Sontheimer, 1994). This view being shared by many scholars offers an alternative paradigm to Interpret the overt historical fact. It is thus safe to believe that the political integration of Mahadev Kolis must have provided the required Impetus to their social integration as well. The subjugation of Kolis by Peshwas thus indicates the interference of Kshetra in Vana and their slow integration might have been accomplished by linking them to the tradition of Valmiki. 

One may argue that the social and cultural integration of the Kolis might have occurred earlier than the Peshwas's regime. At the middle of the seventeenth century, captain Macintosh refers to a rebellion under the Koli Samaik Khemi's leadership, Khemi with his allegiance to Shivaji had challenged to Muslim rule. However, at a tragic turn of the event, the Mughal army overpowered Kolis and killed all the members in the Khemi lineage. At Junar, they chopped the heads of all Koli prisoners and over it. they built a platform known as "Kala Chabutra, the black platform. This contribution of the Kolis had lost its luster in Peshwas' regime. A community with a history of sacrificing their lives in faithful allegiance to Shivaji in what circumstances were treated as the rabble-rouser for Peshwas thus escalates the curiosity. Despite this limitation of our present state of knowledge, it can be safely concluded that the political and social integration took place under the Peshwas. 

Mahadev Kolis and the British Rule: 

Some of the historical information on Kolis in colonial period needs a critical treatment. Kolis found to be included in the army of captain Barrow who was leading the British conquest of Maratha dominations. Captain Macintosh also reports troubles from Koli bands in between 1818 to 1848 A.D. Raghoji Bang hare, a Koli revolted against the Marwari merchants as one of them seems to have troubled his mother. Captain Macintosh though towards the end of 1848 succeeded in putting down this revolt, but soon after Bhils started raising banner against colonial subjugation. British tactfully formed a Koli corps under colonel Nuttal and used them to fight against Bhils who were the traditional rivals of the Kolis. The same corps seems to have been employed also in connection with putting down the revolt of 1857, ultimately the corps was dismantled in 1861 A.D. This hypocritical exploitation of the strength and valour of the simple forest dwellers for the political purpose by the British administration and then abandoning them after their goals were achieved must have created a sudden unemployment. As the whole generation was engaged in the British army, they had lost the skill in their traditional subsistence. Mahadev Kolis took some time to get over this trauma and opposed the British due to its interference in their territories. This was full of vigour and vindication. Finally, before they could put the British administration into any trouble, in 1914 A.D. under the Criminal Tribes Act Mahadev Kolis were notified as a criminal tribe. 

Centuries of oppression and their sustained rebellion against the intruders to their own territory have left innumerable scars on Mahadev Kolis communal identity. To an outsider these scars may stand as justice to their aberrant tainted militancy, only if they ignore its historical context. At present this libel is so much embossed on the present generation that they are apologetic about their past. 

The Post-Independence Follow up: 

The political independence of India is an important event for all communities in this sub-continent, and its significance is no less for the forest dwellers. During the colonial rule, the forest was considerably destroyed and the forest laws of British period had already initiated a new equation in the social and economic life of the forest dwellers. After the independence the Union Government also carried on the same forest policies. The injustice continued. 

The forest communities lead a symbiotic life-style vis-a-vis the specific ecological system. But the moment State makes inroad to their habitat or circumscribes their resource base, because of urgency and value of forest wealth, the economy becomes destabilised till it reaches a new compromise and new level of stability of Interactions and Interdependence with the State, the market system and the neighboring ethnic group (Mahapatra, 1990) Mahadev Kolis, a community which has seen its history taking an unexpected turn in the beginning of this century, has left a very limited scope to reconstruct their traditional subsistence system. As the historical records indicate, in the mid of the fourteenth century Kolis were organised under a small kingdom. Kolis at that time were inhabiting fifty two mountain valleys. Thus with a permissible level of speculation indicate practice of agriculture to a certain extent. But most of their requirement must have come from the forest products and hunting wild games. The forest at that time had a rich blodiversity. The wild animals, edible roots, fruits and berries must have given them a reliabile forest resource bate to fulfill their requirements. The present situation In the valleys of Surgana is completely different from this. The current situation of the Mahadev Kolis is discussed in the following paragraphs in nutshell. 

Depletion of Land Holding: 

The forest laws which prohibit Mahadev Kolis from their free access to forest, the large scale deforestation and decrease in the wild games in the forest has left the land as the only local resource base. So at present the late of the Mahadev Kolis depend up on the amount of land they possess. To get a clearer picture let us consider the data on land holding of Mahadev Kolis of Sukapur, a homogeneous Mahadev Koli settlement with a population of 235, there are 31 familles in the village. 15 families out of these 31 are landless. Only 16 households have some land in their possession. They altogether possess 31-1 acres of land. So per head land holding in Sukapur village comes to just 0-25 acres. 

There are only four households where landholding is more than one acre per head. The type of land they own is mostly hill slope dry land. Conspicuously, terrace cultivation is unknown to the Mahadev Kolis. Tribal groups in Onssa, Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland are reported to practice terrace cultivation who live in a similar situation. They control the run off velocity of the rain water by constructing terraces in the hill slopes and retain the water for cultivation. In the absence of such a practice the agricultural production mostly depends on the rainfall. The irregular rainfall, pestilence and other natural calamities put considerable stress upon the agrarian economy of Mahadev Kolis. It seems the adoption of agriculture for Mahadev Kolis is quite recent, thus they have not mastered the necessary agricultural technology required to maximise the production. The Konkanas and Warlis, who live in the same locality hold the better lands in the valleys. Therefore, it is probable that Mahadev Kolis were hunter-gatherers living on the hilltop and have taken up agriculture very recently. The Saoras and Kondhs exist in a similar situation sharing the eco-niche in a similar way. The Saoras are terrace cultivators and low land agriculturists. The Kondhs living in the same locality practice Sweden agriculture and hunting gathering. Such type of co-existence practising different subsistence strategies has several parallels. 

What is more important to notice here is the relative disadvantage of the hunter-gathers who have taken up the agriculture recently. The Konkanas who had adopted the agriculture way of life way back are found to be in disadvantageous position in their struggle for existence. The depletion of the forest eco-system and its resources has marginalised the hunter-gatherers and hill slope cultivators. 

I feel it is crucial for us to understand the relationship of forest and such communities as Mahadev Kolis who for years were dependent on forest. In this kind of situation the forest, exist as an common property resource. The management and exploitation of this common property is achieved by their social organisations and customs specially devised for this. Thus their present integration into the modern social and economic system has created an economic and technological change. The fatalism noticed among them is explicitly due to a culture conflict. 

Composite Hurdles Illiteracy, Population and Migration: 

Illiteracy and increase in population are two major hindrances for the welfare of the Mahadev Kolis. 67 per cent of the population in the surveyed area is illiterate. As discussed above, due to the sudden change in the subsistence pattern the experienced Mahadev Kolis barely manage to take one crop. The production is so low that it could feed the family only for four months. Then they are forced to migrate out for some means of livelihood. Land as a resource is becoming unreliable due to increase in population. In each generation, the land is being divided among the numerous offspring. So the per head land holding is decreasing for each future generation. As there is no scope for Mahadev Kolis to acquire more forest lands in the coming generation, they would surely be landless. 

The landlessness and the low productivity of land are forcing the Mahadev Kolis to migrate out of the village to far away areas in search of employment. They generally migrate to Nasik, Umbargaon, and to Gujarat to work in the grape vines and in sugarcane fields. One of the case study collected from the investigated area exposes the extent of exploitation of Mahadev Kolis as agricultural labourers. A group of ten people generally take the contract of a grape vine of an acre. They look after the vine for the whole season, i.e., for four months. The prevalent market rate for this year is Rs. 34,000. Thus they get Rs. 850 per head per month. Though it is quite low as compared to the labour rate for industry and construction work, still people prefer this as they are at least assured of the employment for four months at a time. It was found out from the survey that 70 per cent of the population is forced to migrate for a period of at least six months each year. Apart from this, a direct correlation between migration and illiteracy is one of the significant conclusion from this extensive survey. Migration is the most important factor that hinders the spread of education among Mahadev Kolis. 

Due to the cumulative effect of the migration and low economic position, Mahadev Kolis have failed to take opportunity of the primary education facilities provided by the Government. Therefore, the Warlis and the Konkanas in this area have acquired education and are in a position to take the benefits provided for the Scheduled Tribes. Their recurring absence from the village results in a lack of participation in the local politics. 

In the economic sphere, Mahadev Kolis are buyers only. As they produce no surplus they have nothing else than the physical labour to sell. Due to illiteracy and lack of understanding of the monetary economy they are often cheated and exploited by the traders and land owners. The drinking is a habit for almost all of them. The festivals and marriages put additional pressure on the household economy of Mahadev Kolis. They take loan from the land owners and money lenders in high interest rate. The burden of the loan reaches such a height that to pay them back sometimes they sell their labour for the whole life. 

Conclusion: 

In the light of the above discussion, I would like to make three points. First, Mahadev Kolis are definitely a community which has a significant contribution to the India's freedom struggle. The second, the right of the self determination and social justice, a long due to Mahadev Kolis, should be given to them immediately. This may help them to get back their self dignity and identity. The third, it is the unequal subjugation of Mahadev Kolis in past that has resulted this despotic situation where a community with a moral allegiance to their motherland has turned to be a class of landless labourers. Finally, I would like to aloud an appeal to give Mahadev Kolis special attention and assistance to keep them safe from the age old pillage of feudalism and to stop them from being victims of the hypocrisy of the capitalism. 

Reference: 

Ghurye G. S., 1957: The Mahadev Kolis, Popular Book Depot., Bombay. 

Mahapatra, L. K., 1990: Ecology and Technology of livelihood as determinants of tribal economy in Eastem India, Adibasi, Vol. 30(2-3). 

Sontheimer, G. D., 1994: The Vana and Kshetra: The tribal background of some famous cults, in G. C. Tripathy and Herrman Kulke ed. Religion and society in Eastern India, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi.

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Article published in 'Adivasi' Journel of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Research and Training Institute Bhubaneshwar, Volume 39 Number 1&2, June & December 1999.